Turkey has recently enacted a new law on media disinformation, which has sparked widespread concern and criticism from human rights organizations, media freedom advocates, and international bodies such as the United Nations. This is because its definitions of “disinformation” are broad and ambiguous thus, regarded as a potential threat to democracy. International human rights organizations, such as the United Nations, and the European Union, are highly concerned about its potential for abuse and state repression by the government to stifle critical voices and its detrimental effects on freedom of expression.
Turkey has a long history of suppressing freedom of expression, particularly in the media. In recent years, the government has taken increasingly authoritarian measures to control the media, including shutting down critical news outlets, arresting journalists, and imposing censorship. This law is, therefore, part of this broader pattern of repression.
The new media disinformation law, officially known as the “Law on the Protection of the Right to Information,” was enacted on October 14, 2022, and came into effect on October 18, 2022. The law was introduced to combat disinformation and fake news, which the government claims threaten public health, national security, and public order. The law permits the government to censor any content deemed “disinformation” or “propaganda.” It also allows the government to impose fines on media outlets, publishers, and social media accounts for disseminating such content. The government has already used the law to censor news outlets, publications, and social media accounts. Under the law, media outlets and individuals can be fined or imprisoned for disseminating “fake news” or “misinformation” that threatens public health, national security, or public order. The law also allows the government to block or shut down websites and social media accounts that disseminate such content.
One of the main criticisms of the new media disinformation law is the broad and vague definitions of “fake news” and “misinformation.” The law does not provide clear and specific criteria for determining what constitutes disinformation, leaving it open to subjective interpretation and potential abuse by the government to silence critical voices. Furthermore, the law allows the government to designate certain state bodies or institutions as “competent authorities” to enforce the law, giving them broad discretion to determine what constitutes disinformation and to take action against those who disseminate it. This lack of transparency and accountability raises concerns about the law’s potential for arbitrary and biased enforcement.
The new media disinformation law has also been criticized for its compatibility with national and international human rights standards, including the Turkish Constitution and relevant UN and regional human rights treaties that Turkey has ratified. The Turkish Constitution guarantees the right to freedom of expression, the release of the press, and the right to obtain information. The new media disinformation law, however, undermines these rights through its broad and vague definitions. In addition to these concerns, the media disinformation law lacks essential safeguards to protect against abuse. For example, there are no independent oversight mechanisms to ensure that the law is not used to silence critics or punish those who express dissenting views. The lack of safeguards leaves the government with significant discretion to interpret and enforce the law as it sees fit, creating the potential for arbitrary or selective enforcement. This gap threatens human rights because it undermines the rule of law and creates an environment of uncertainty and fear. Thus, the law could further erode the rights of individuals and discourage them from exercising their freedom of expression.
The problem with the new ‘media disinformation law’ is that it does not provide sufficient safeguards to protect freedom of expression and media. In particular, the law does not clearly define what constitutes ‘disinformation’ or ‘false information,’ leaving it open to broad interpretation and potential abuse by the authorities. Furthermore, the law does not provide adequate protection for journalists and other media professionals, particularly vulnerable to prosecution under the law. The law also fails to ensure that any sanctions imposed are proportionate and necessary in a democratic society. The law also threatens media freedom. It permits the government to impose fines on media outlets, publishers, and social media accounts for disseminating content deemed “disinformation” or “propaganda.” These threats could lead to self-censorship as media outlets and organizations fear legal repercussions for publishing content critical of the government. Consequently, the independence of the media gets undermined, leading to a less informed public.
Turkey’s new ‘media disinformation law’ threatens human rights in the country. The law is inconsistent with international human rights standards, as it fails to provide sufficient safeguards to protect freedom of expression and media. Furthermore, the law does not provide adequate protection for journalists and other media professionals, particularly vulnerable to prosecution under the law. These concerns are particularly worrying given Turkey’s history of suppressing freedom of expression and the broader pattern of authoritarianism that the law backs.
Lillian Bowles-Brown
Hi Merdan,
I appreciate your post on Turkey’s new “Media Misinformation Law” and why the structure of this law has the potential to threaten democratic values further—specifically the freedom of expression by individuals and having a free press. I agree that any laws made by the government, even with the purest intent, require the highest level of specific clarity to avoid subjective interpretation and enforcement. While I appreciate governmental institutions’ complexity in balancing national safety concerns in light of the unprecedented levels of disinformation and fake news, equally, the concerns lie with protections for freedom of expression. You have helped me further conceptualize my thoughts for my blog post about the implications of the Dominion v Fox News Corp. definition lawsuit. I am torn on a government’s role regarding disinformation or propaganda campaigns, especially when news stations and political parties collaborate to perpetuate authoritarian agenda.
August Hromadka
Thank you for your post. You bring up a very interesting question about the future of disinformation and how governments like Turkey can use the problem to pass legislation that will strengthen its authoritarian hold over democracy. The idea of fake news and disinformation is such a new concept for voters and governments alike. And it may create some scary situations in the future when it comes to freedom of expression and the protection of a free press in countries like Turkey. This is why I think so many Americans are hesitant about legislation limiting harmful expression on the internet even though it’s needed. But Turkey represents the wrong direction some governments may take when passing similar legislation. My question to you is, what precautions should be taken to ensure harmful information can be stopped without steeping on the democratic values of its citizens when creating laws like this?
Cooper Stewart
As you explain in your post, I think the law makes a very blatant display of it’s overreach, with the highly excessive vagueness that allows it to be used to punish any dissenters of Erdogan or the AKP party. We are seeing the current effects of the law used today as Erdogan cracks down on critics of the government’s handling of the recent earthquake, as hundreds of social media users have been targeted by the government in an effort to mask the poor government response. As Turkey’s presidential election draws nearer, I ponder over how much more the law will be used to try to turn the tides in Erdogan’s favor against his opponents, and what they can do to try to resist.