It is in the comforting sound of your mother tongue, the aroma of a home-cooked traditional meal, shared celebrations, and the beauty of our architecture that we find an immediate sense of belonging. Our national identity is a breathing source of pride and a communal force, inspiring us to defend the values and future of our society. Yet, in modern liberal democracies, this sense of identity often feels overshadowed.

The rise of globalism driven by liberal cosmopolitan ideals is seen as being at odds with nationalism. Liberal democracy, in its pursuit of universal values, has neglected the importance of the nation-state. Left unchecked this can erode the very foundations it seeks to protect. When nationalism is embraced in moderation, it can provide the cohesion necessary to strengthen liberal democratic values.

Liberal democracy as defined by Dahl is procedural (free and fair elections, and electoral competition), but also includes civil liberties that provide institutional checks and balances limiting the power of elected leaders.^[1] In an effort to govern over diversity, liberalism emerges. ^[2] Liberalism originated in the 18th century during the Enlightenment period to protect individual autonomy by ensuring freedom of speech, assembly, belief, and government. During the 20th century, nationalism came to be viewed as inherently incompatible with democracy, particularly after World War II, when it became closely associated with Nazism and Fascism. After the fall of the Soviet Union, a new world order emerged: international liberalism.^[3] By abandoning nationalism, liberal democrats have created an opening for authoritarian-leaning populists, who exploit nationalist sentiment for anti-democratic purposes. To survive this threat, liberal democracy must embrace positive nationalism.

Liberal democracy’s core issue lies in its overemphasis on individualism, which unchecked, leads to a dilution of national identity. The absence of a shared “good life” undermines social cohesion. In ancient Greece, citizens who disengaged with state matters were considered “idiots” as they failed to contribute to the collective well-being.^[4] As Yuval Noah Harari argues, humans control the world because we can cooperate flexibly and in large numbers.^[5] Focusing solely on individualism undermines the cooperative structures that have allowed humans to thrive and maintain social order. In liberal democracies, balancing individualism with collective cooperation is essential. One way to do this is through an inclusive form of nationalism, fostering unity and shared purpose. Fukuyama argues that without a strong national identity, liberal societies weaken, leaving them vulnerable to populists who exploit this gap.[6] Viktor Orbán, for example, capitalized on the absence of a strong national identity by promoting an exclusionary ethnic and traditional identity rather than an inclusionary one, threatening democratic values.

While peacefully managing diversity, liberal democracies could benefit from adopting a broader sense of national purpose. Liberal democracies must make liberal values worth fighting for. The greatest example of this is Ukraine, the spirit of nationalism empowered citizens to resist authoritarianism and fight for their country’s liberal democratic values.^[7] Ukrainian President Zelensky invokes national identity in his speeches, rallying citizens around the idea of a free and democratic Ukraine, “We will defeat everyone because we are Ukraine.” The war is not just about territory, it is about defending the essence of their nation’s identity and the liberal democratic values it embodies. This shows the importance of a strong common moral code around which a community may be built. A community prioritizing open-mindedness, active engagement, and entrepreneurship provides a common set of values. Beyond that, liberal democracies must adopt positive nationalism rooted in concrete values, such as fostering national pride through advancements in technology, energy, and living standards.^[8] Liberal democracies can also strengthen the rights of ethnic minorities and promote their integration into society to avoid a split between ethnocultural identity and national identity. These measures could be useful mechanisms for constructing a stronger national identity.^[9]

The failures of globalization and multilateralism fuel nationalist backlash. Cosmopolitanism integrates international cooperation as a metric of liberal democracy’s strength and is especially important in addressing global challenges like climate change, migration, and technological innovation. However, its emphasis on global solidarity often neglects the importance of national identity. The failures of supranational institutions in enforcing international law have left many disillusioned. Blatant violation of international law in Russia, Israel, Sudan, Myanmar, and Iran turns people against international institutions.  As citizens lose faith in international bodies, they return to the nation-state, which remains the most powerful institution for upholding democratic values and sovereignty. Liberal democracy must embrace this to survive.  As Francis Fukuyama states, the nation-state remains the cardinal actor in international politics.[10]

Populist governments aren’t afraid to use nationalist rhetoric to establish a unified “people,” framing themselves as the defenders of “the people” in the face of global crises. As Müller argues in What is Populism, the constant emergence of crises in the 21st century—particularly in regions like the Middle East—has fueled the rise of populist leaders.[11] Growing multipolar proxy wars define the 21st century, particularly in regions such as the Middle East. Globalization and market liberalization have created new beneficiaries in proxy wars, including national, corporate, and individual.^[12] With constant media coverage of war and crises, the public is constantly aware of new threats fostering a continuous, global state of crisis. Populist leaders exploit this perpetual crisis in their rise to power, as seen when Bolsonaro used the threat of Venezuela’s upheaval to win the Brazilian presidency in 2018.^[13]  Populist leaders thrive by turning constant global crises into a tool for rising to power. 

Adopting nationalist rhetoric to support the values of liberal democracies does not come without its dangers. An obvious struggle will be defining where to draw the line. At which point will the promotion of a nation-state infringe on the values of Liberalism and lead to Democratic backsliding? We must distinguish between nationalism and imperialism/exceptionalism because, while all three focus on national power they have opposite effects on democracy. Imperialism and exceptionalism are inherently undemocratic and expansionist. In contrast, nationalism can reinforce democracy by uniting citizens. Conflating the two ignores nationalism’s potential to support rather than undermine democratic principles. The USA’s intervention in Latin America and the French, British, German, Italian, and Spanish colonization of America and Africa are examples of imperialism, not nationalism.

What liberal democracy desperately lacks is pathos—the deep emotional force that will compel citizens to fight to defend its values. In the face of democratic erosion, liberal democracy cannot rely on a sudden deus ex machina intervention for its conservation. Instead, it must strengthen itself by embracing the powerful tools already at its disposal. Nationalism, when harnessed positively, ignites pathos within the liberal democratic system, offering a reason to fight for its future.

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^[1] Dahl, Robert Alan. Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition. 5th ed., illustrated, Yale University Press, 1971. Yale Paperbound, vol. 254, Political Science, vol. 54, ISBN 0300015658, 9780300015652.

^[2] Fukuyama, Francis. “Liberalism and Its Discontents.” Persuasion.Community, Persuasion, 5 Oct. 2020, www.persuasion.community/p/liberalism-and-its-discontent. 

^[3] Kundnani, Hans, et al. “What Is the Liberal International Order?” GMFUS, 3 May 2017, www.gmfus.org/news/what-liberal-international-order#_ftn4.

^[4] Admin. “The Idiot and the Community.” Interdisciplinary Humanities Center UCSB, Interdisciplinary Humanities Center, 22 Sept. 2020, www.ihc.ucsb.edu/the-idiot-and-the-community/. 

^[5] Harari, Yuval Noah. “Why Humans Run the World.” YouTube, TED, 24 July 2015, www.youtube.com/watch?v=nzj7Wg4DAbs.

[6] Fukuyama, Francis. “A Country of Their Own.” Foreign Affairs, Foreign Affairs, 27 Feb. 2024, www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/ukraine/2022-04-01/francis-fukuyama-liberalism-country. 

^[7] Fukuyama, Francis. “A Country of Their Own.” Foreign Affairs, Foreign Affairs, 27 Feb. 2024, www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/ukraine/2022-04-01/francis-fukuyama-liberalism-country. 

^[8] “Nationalism Can Be a Good Thing. We Have to Make the Case for It | Zoe Williams.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 8 May 2018, www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/may/08/nationalism-positive-case-immigration-counter-narrative-nhs.

^[9] Zhuojun, W., & Hualing, H. (2014). National Identity in the Era of Globalization: Crisis and Reconstruction. Social Sciences in China, 35(2), 139–154. https://doi.org/10.1080/02529203.2014.900889

[10] “Nationalism Can Be a Good Thing. We Have to Make the Case for It | Zoe Williams.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 8 May 2018, www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/may/08/nationalism-positive-case-immigration-counter-narrative-nhs. 

[11] Jan-Werner Müller, What is Populism?, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017, 123 p., ISBN : 978-0-8122-4898-2.

^[12] Rondeaux, Candace, and David Sterman. Twenty-First Century Proxy Warfare: Confronting Strategic Innovation in a Multipolar World, New America, Feb. 2019, www.newamerica.org/future-security/reports/twenty-first-century-proxy-warfare-confronting-strategic-innovation-multipolar-world/executive-summary-key-findings.

^[13] Phillips, Tom, and Dom Phillips. “The New Venezuela? Brazil Populist Bolsonaro’s Scare Tactic Gains Traction.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 11 Oct. 2018, www.theguardian.com/world/2018/oct/11/brazil-venezuela-jair-bolsonaro-workers-party.

[14] Digital image created using DALL·E, edited with PicsArt.